The Representation of Women as Legislative is Predicted to Increase, But The Existing Problems are Still There

According to 2024 election, women’s legislative candidates who went to parliament were increasing.  This information also delivered by Perkumpulan untuk Pemilu and Demokrasi (Perludem) – Association for Elections and Democracy.

Perludem predicted that women representations were increasing to 22.1% or 128/ 580 total seat in House of Representatives (DPR). This number increased compared with women’s representation in 2019, with only just 20.5% or 118/ 575 total seat. This meant that the number of women represented in 2024 was the highest.

“This has several factors, such as the competition between candidates in electoral districts and vote control in polling locations” said Perludem director, Khoirunnisa Nur Agustyati in her official declaration.

Figure 1. The number of women representatives in the 1999 – 2024 election

According to Ninis – the nickname of Khoirunnisa- women’s toughness was the key point for the increasing number of women’s representation. It was because not all parties in 2024 guarantee 30% women’s representation.

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The provision of rounding down the percentage of women’s candidates in General Election Commission Regulations No 10/2023 often impacts the minimal number of 30% women representation was not reachable for seat no 4, 7, 8, and 11.

Figure 2. Seat acquisition of House of Representatives in the 2024 election based on gender

Also, the focus of the 2024 election was male candidates in the presidential election, not a legislative election.

“if the General Elections Commission (KPU) can guarantee 30% women’s representation in each electoral district, the number of women’s candidates in DPR can increase” said Heroik Mutaqin Pratama, researcher in Perludem.

The 22.1% came from several areas, from 84 regions; for example, 20 regions had women’s percentages around 30 – 50%. Some regions had women’s representation more than 50%. Bengkulu had women’s representation 100%. However, 16 regions didn’t have women candidates who went to DPR.

Figure 3. the distribution of parties’ seats based on serial number and gender

The majority of selected legislative candidates came from party number 1, which was 64%. Purladem data was based on voting recapitulation model D, Province- DPR general election through the SIREKAP website. Perludem rechecked based on KPU decision No. 360 about determining Election Results.

Voting conversion was doing with Sainte Lague method. The voting was defined by odd number; 1, 3, 5, 7, ect. The elected candidate is based on the majority of votes by looking at the vote acquisition of each candidate for member of the DPR.

Figure 4. The highest women’s vote in eight political parties

There was probability the result of women in DPR changed in the 2024 election because there was continues steps of Election Results Dispute at the Constitutional Court. The decision could change the representatives.

Several Problems for Women Legislative Candidates

Women legislative candidates still faced problems despite the increasing number of female representatives in DPR in the 2024 election.

Konde.co interviewed Hurriyah, a political lecturer at Indonesia University, about women’s involvement in politics. According to Hurriyah, structural system became a main obstacle for women candidates, especially in policies with gender-responsive. Political parties and parliament had not yet become institutions aware of that issue. 

First, the clear indication was political parties obeyed minimal the 30% women representatives only in documents. Gender equality had not yet become principal and democracy value in political parties.

Second, close relationship-based factors still influenced the recruitment and women’s promotion of women.  “Political parties have not committed to gender equality because of masculine influence in politics, so women’s recruitment as candidates is only based on their close relationship with them.”  

Third, political parties often made negative connections between policy and women’s quality as candidates. It made women were being ignored.   

Fourth, women were often unable to voice their ideas after they were selected.

Fifth, political parties implement minimum gender-responsive policies internally. House of Representatives (DPR) and Regional House of Representative (DPRD) were also not yet sensitive to applying gender-responsive policies. For example, work culture in political parties and parliament. They were often did meeting at night and unfriendly environment for women.

Resignation of Female Legislative Candidates Due to “Internal Party Regulations”

Recently, many female legislative candidates resigned from parliament because of internal party regulation. It occurred in PDIP and Nasdem parties.

Aristya Tiwi Pramudiyatna, the PDIP candidate, was indicated bust to become a member of DPRD in Sukoharjo, Central Java. She was replaced by Jaka Triyanto, who had fewer votes than her.

Didik Riyatno, the head of PDIP party in Karang Tengah, Weru said Aristya’s replacement was due to internal party regulations. He is still trying to find a best solution from within the party. He said if there is no response to the decision from the branch party (PAC), all staff from 13 villages in Weru would resign. 

“They said it was equal gender distribution but didn’t mention the regulation. Aristya already got the highest votes.” said Didik.

Joko Sutopo, PDIP Sukoharjo supervisor, responded by indicating that candidate selection was based on self-voting calculation in the internal party. The system based on Komandan Tempur (komandanTe) system. This system was part of electoral winning strategy for the 2024 election. PDIP had internal regulation about voting calculation for the 2024 election.

Furthermore, Ratu Ngadu Bonu Wulla, Nasdem party candidate, also resigned from candidacy. She resigned after got 76.311 votes from Eastern Nusa Tenggara II, including East Sumba, West Sumba, Central Sumba, Southwest Sumba, Kupang, Sabu Raijua, Rote Ndao, North Central Timor, South Central Timor, Malaka, Belu, and Kupang city.

Viktor Laiskodat only got 65.359 votes from same areas and party as Ratu Wulla. Nasdem party only got one seat in Eastern Nusa Tenggara because only got 207.732 votes in total. The public speculation that Ratu Wulla resigned because she gave her seat to Viktor.

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Ratu Wally was the first candidate for Nasdem Party. She was member of DPR RI commission IX as government partner in health and employment sectors. She was wife from ex- Southwest Sumba governor, Markus Dairo Talu.

The public supported Ratu unconditionally. They hold an event called “Malam 73.000 Lilin” – A night of 73.000 candles in Tamboloka Square, Southwest Sumba, Sunday (17/3/2024) in response to their disappointment in Ratu’s resignation. 

Konde.co tried to communicate with Ratu but no response. Hermawi Taslim, secretary general of Nasdem, told detik.com that Ratu resigned due to a particular task appointment to her, but he wasn’t making clear what was the special task.

“In Nasdem, every resignation is because that person got a particular task appointment.” said Hermawi.

Moreover, Eva Kusuma Sundari, a member of the NasDem Party Legal and Human Rights Department, said that there was strategic interest behind Ratu’s resignation.

“In my opinion, it is because Bu Ratu is projected to become the gubernatorial candidate for next September 2024 election” said Eva on Wednesday (27/3/24).

The strategic interest aimed to continue Ratu’s career to not stop only in legislation. At the same time, NasDem was committed to continuous women leadership.

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Ratu Wulla’s resignation led to appointment of Viktor Bungtilu Laiskodat as Eastern Nusa Tenggara governor for 2018-2023. NasDem appointed Viktor only in the legislative seat, so his wife, Julie Sutrisno Laiskodat, could aim for the Eastern Nusa Tenggara governor.

“So, this won’t harm bu Ratu, but to do strategic particular task from NasDem” she added. 

Eva shared her experience as a PDIP candidate in the 2014 election. Eva got fifth position from Kediri, East Java voted. There were three seats, and Pramono Anung, who occupied the first seat, resigned from his candidacy because of the need for women’s representation . Eva replaced his position as party affirmation.  

Eva replaced one candidate, which who a man, and did replacement over time – penggantian antar waktu (PAW) for adding one women’s candidate. Pramono agreed and Eva paid campaign compensation.

“We should sign an agreement for party beneficiary and strategic plan as candidate”

So, the decision from Ratu Wulla and Eva Sundari brought beneficiary to party. NasDem Party applied women’s legislative candidate affirmation for two period. There were five women who got position as Chairman of the Regional Leadership Council – Ketua Dewan Pimpinan Wilayah (DPW) in NasDem.

“If there is no attitude toward gender equality, Bu Ratu will not get a chance to become candidate in next election,” said Eva.

Polemic Toward Open-list Proportional System

According to Usep Hasan, a researcher from Perkumpulan untuk Pemilu and Demokrasi (Perludem) – Association for Elections and Democracy, politics strategic with the assignment of women’s legislative candidates was an aberration of open-list proportional system. In proportional system, both open or close, election members were political parties.

It made the calculation start from the number of political party seats and then continue to legislative candidates. The each seat of party would contribute to legislative candidate with the highest votes.

“common case is women’s legislative candidates are replaced by men. It pictured how is our political party not yet supportive of women” said Usep to Konde.co, Wednesday (20/03/2024).

Also, he gave example of Viktor Laiskodat as the chairman of Nasdem Party and ex-governor the same place in Eastern Nusa Tenggara. His position was more powerful than Ratu Wulla, despite Ratu Wulla had the highest vote.

“the direct choice to legislative candidates is a prove that openness proportional system has missed interpretation,” he added.

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It needed to re-check the chronology of women’s legislative candidate resignations and replace them with men. It was contradictory with the law no7/2007 about general election.

However, political parties still had the authority to have independence and internal dynamics, especially when women’s legislative candidates accept and still benefit from their resignation.

“So, this is anomaly or dark side from openness proportional system” said Usep.

The dark side was the individual contestation in legislative candidate list. The legislative candidate needed to compete with legislative candidate from different parties and internal. So, the most powerful candidate was the person who closed with political party.

Political System Which is Support Women

In the 1945 Constitution, Article 28H Paragraph (2), it was stated that everyone had the right to receive special facilities and treatment to obtain the same opportunities and benefits in order to achieve equality and justice.

This statement was also strengthened by Law Number 29/1999 concerning Human Rights Article 43. It was written there that every citizen had the right to be elected and vote in direct elections. This meant that women also had the right to contest in elections without being complicated by the dynamics of political parties and state policies.

The beginning of the decline in women’s participation in elections began with the publication of General Election Commission Regulation (PKPU) Number 10/2023. Rounding the figure to 30 percent or below actually limits women’s political rights. This was quite contradictory to the Election Law which supports women’s representation in the legislature.

The existing affirmation policy was an effort to prevent discrimination against women in politics. This policy began with ratifying the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) in Law Number 7/1984. For example, affirmation policy was the 30 percent of women representation in parliament, legislative, and party structural staff in national, province, and districts. This policy was to ensure women’s representation.

The number of women representation was increasing after that policy. In the 2014 election, women’s representation reached to 17.7% and 20.9% for the 2019 election. In the 2024 election, it was estimated to reach 22.1%.

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According to Eva, openness proportional system was full of money political, polarization, and exclusive. There was no women, disability, and people living in poverty. Political parties was only had elite groups.

“what is the beneficiary from homogenous group? That is only a group of people but not civil representatives” said Eva.

Usep supported Eva by saying that openness proportional system was not friendly to women. Women should compete with legislative candidates from internal and external parties. It was against the women movement that supported solidarity and sisterhood.  

“Women’s legislative candidates are positioned as political individual, not political groups. There is no team work in internal party” said Usep.

Lastly, women kept face obstacle by joining political party and it started when they became a candidate. They fought to get votes and compete with others candidates.